STATES
PROBLEM
When the British left India in
1947,the 500 odd Princely States were given the option of either joining India or
Pakistan ,
or remaining independent. The Sardar had long been regarded as the Congress expert
on the States problem and in the thirties, he had lead many a struggle against
feudal autocracy in Kathiawar
and elsewhere. On his shoulder fell the task of integrating and democratizing
those states which were lying within the territory of the Indian Union .
The successful way in which the Sardar handled this problem to the satisfaction
of the Princes,their subjects and the people of India
belied the expectations of those sceptics who had predicted that the States
will prove the stumbling block in the way of a stable Government in India ,
and earned the Sardar the title, "the Bismarck of
India ".
“It
is the lesson of history that it was owing to her politically fragmented
condition and our inability to make a united stand that India succumbed to successive waves of invaders.
Our mutual conflicts, and internecine quarrels and jealousies have in the past
been the cause of our downfall and our falling victims to foreign domination a
number of times. We cannot afford to fall into those errors or traps again. We
are on the threshold of independence. It is true that we have not been able to
preserve the unity of the country entirely unimpaired in the final stage. To
the bitter disappointment and sorrow of many of us some parts have chosen to go
out of India and to set up their own Government. But
there can be no question that despite this separation, a fundamental
homogeneity of culture and sentiment reinforced by the compulsive logic of
mutual interests would continue to govern us. Much more would this be the case
with that vast majority of States which, owing to their geographical contiguity
and indissoluble ties, economic, cultural and political, must continue to
maintain relations of mutual friendship and co-operation with the rest of India . The safety and preservation of these
States as well as of India demand unity and mutual co-operation
between its different parts.
When
the British established their rule in India they evolved the doctrine of Paramountcy
which established the supremacy of British interests. That doctrine, has
remained undefined to this day, but in its exercise there has undoubtedly been
more subordination than co-operation Outside the field of Paramountcy there has
been a very wide scope in which relations between British India and the States have been regulated by
enlightened mutual interests. Now that British rule is ending, the demand has
been made that the States should regain their independence. In so far as
Paramountcy embodied the submission of States to foreign will. I have every
sympathy with this demand, but I do not think it can be their desire to utilise
this freedom from domination in a manner which is injurious to the common
interest of India or which militates against the ultimate Paramountcy of
popular interests and welfare or which might result in the abandonment of that
mutually useful relationship that has developed between British India and
Indian States during the last century. The States have already accepted the
basic principle that for Defence, Foreign Affairs and Communcations, they would
come into the Indian Union. We ask no more of them than accession on these
three subjects in which the common interests of the country are involved. In
other matters we would scrupulously respect their autonomous existence.
This
country with its institutions is the proud heritage of the people who inhabit
it. It is an accident that some live in
the States and some in British
India , but all
alike partake of its culture and character. We are all knit together by bonds
of blood and feeling no less than of self-interest. None can segregate us into
segments; no impassable barriers can be set up between us. I suggest that it is
therefore better for us to make laws sitting together as friends than to make
treaties as aliens. I invite my friends the Rulers of States and their people,
to the Councils of the Constituent Assembly in this spirit of friendliness and co-operation
in a joint endeavour, inspired by common allegiance to our motherland for the
common good of us all.
There
appears a great deal of misunderstanding about the attitude of the Congress towards
the States. I should like to make it clear that it is not the desire of the Congress
to interfere in any manner whatever with the domestic affairs of the States.
They are no enemies of the Princely Order, but, on the other hand, wish them
and their people under this aegis all prosperity, contentment and happiness.
Nor would it be my policy to conduct the relations with the States in any
manner which savours of the domination of one over the other; if there would be
any domination, it would be that of our mutual interests and welfare. We have
no ulterior motive or selfish interests to serve. ' Our common objective should
be to understand each other's point of view and come to decisions acceptable to
all and in the best interests of the country.
We
are at a momentous stage in the history of India . By common endeavour we can raise the
country to a new greatness while lack of unity will expose us to fresh
calamities. I hope the Indian States will bear in mind that the alternative to
co-operation in the general interest is anarchy and chaos which will overwhelm
great and small in a common ruin if we are unable to act together in the
minimum of common tasks. Let not the future generation curse us for having had
the opportunity but failed to turn it to our mutual advantage. Instead, let it
be our
proud
privilege to leave a legacy of mutually beneficial relationship which would
raise this Sacred Land to its proper place amongst the nations of
the world and turn it into an abode of peace and prosperity”.